By Annemarie Kerkhoff
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Extra info for Acquisition of Morpho-Phonology: The Dutch voicing alternation
In frameworks that posit a binary feature [+/-voice], assimilation is often analysed as delinking 10 24 CHAPTER 2 [±voice] has also been proposed, marking positive and negative values (Inkelas 1994, Inkelas, Orgun & Zoll 1997, Wetzels & Mascaró 2001). Importantly, predictable features tend to be cross-linguistically unmarked, and [-voice] is considered the default or unmarked value for obstruents (see Chapter 3 for further discussion). The environment in which the final devoicing applies has been debated as well, as it can refer to (phonological) syllable boundaries as well as (morphological or prosodic) word boundaries (see Brockhaus 1995).
8 Thus, even though historically these final consonants were part of the stem, there is no synchronic process reflecting the loss of final consonants. These observations led Hale (1973) to argue that there is a tendency in language acquisition to set up underlying forms that are surface-true. This argument has been put forward by others, although not always in connection to language acquisition. For instance, in Natural Generative Phonology, Similar findings have been reported for other Polynesian languages such as Hawaiian (in which one basic suffix remains), showing that reanalysis has taken place independently in each of the languages, see Kiparsky (1982b).
Let us now turn to a discussion of how voicing alternations could be handled in OT. There are two rival theories that have been proposed to account for voicing alternations due to final devoicing. 27 Such a constraint is formulated in (12) below, which Kager (1999a) and Grijzenhout & Krämer (2000) adopt for Dutch. e. IDENT-IO(voice) as in (13)), demanding that segments maintain their voicing specification between the underlying and surface representation. (12) *VOICED-CODA: ‘coda obstruents are voiceless’.
Acquisition of Morpho-Phonology: The Dutch voicing alternation by Annemarie Kerkhoff